LONG BEFORE THE Sultanate of Melaka, there was Ancient Kedah—a patchwork of coastal and riverine polities located along the northwestern coast of the Malay Peninsula. From as early as the 2nd century CE, the region began to participate in the expanding trans-Asian trade network that connected major economic and cultural centres in India, the Middle East, China and Southeast Asia. This connectivity formed an integrated network of port-polities, which facilitated not only the exchange of goods, but also the movement of people, ideas and religious traditions. Over time, these interactions contributed to the emergence of increasingly complex socio-political structures and cultural landscapes across the region.

By the 5th or 6th century CE, the Bujang Valley had evolved into the principal economic and population centre of Ancient Kedah, playing a pivotal role in mediating maritime trade and fostering regional cosmopolitanism. Nestled in the foot of Gunung Jerai and the riverine plains of the Merbok River, the Bujang Valley is widely regarded as the cradle of early civilisation in the Malay Peninsula.

Often overshadowed by the grandeur of Angkor or Borobudur, this archaeological landscape holds immense significance due to its diverse assemblages, unique art forms and advanced technological achievements. From the early centuries of the Common Era, the Bujang Valley flourished as a vibrant hub within an extensive maritime trade network that connected India, China and the Middle East. The economic prowess and cultural sophistication of Ancient Kedah remain evident in Bujang Valley’s archaeological remains, which include Hindu-Buddhist sites, tradewares, iron-smelting sites as well as beads and ornaments. These discoveries span 184 archaeological sites across the area of Bukit Choras, the Merbok-Muda River valley and Cherok Tok Kun.

A Timeline of Shifting Interpretations

Archaeological research in the Bujang Valley began in the mid-19th and early-20th centuries with surveys and diggings at several candi sites, conducted by Low, Irby and Evans. However, it was not until 1937 that the first systematic investigation was carried out. This was by H. G. Quaritch-Wales, who excavated 31 archaeological sites. His work culminated in one of the earliest structured interpretations of Ancient Kedah’s history. Subsequent research was expanded by Sullivan, Wang Gungwu, Lamb and Peacock.

In the following decades, especially after the 1970s, a more diverse range of perspectives emerged. Scholars such as Leong Sau Heng, Jane S. Allen, Adi Taha, Nik Hassan Shuhaimi and Michel Jacq-Hergoualc’h introduced new approaches to understanding the region, focusing on trade networks, environmental context and settlement distribution. In 2009, excavations led by Mokhtar Saidin revealed iron-smelting complexes at Sungai Batu, dating to as early as the 2nd or 3rd century CE, suggesting the role of Ancient Kedah not just as a port, but a centre of production for diverse products, one of them being iron. Excavation by Zuliskandar Ramli had also unveiled more religious sites. These successive waves of research have shaped three dominant scholarly theories regarding the nature and extent of Indian influence in Ancient Kedah. These are:

1. Colonisation Theory

2. Indigenisation Theory

3. Trade Enclave Theory

The earliest, the Colonisation Theory, was advocated by Quaritch-Wales, who argued that Indian culture was introduced through direct colonisation by Indian settlers. According to this view, the presence of Hindu-Buddhist temples, Indian-style sculptures and inscriptions in the Pallava script pointed to a civilisational transplant, in which itinerant Indian priests, traders and artisans established religious and political institutions in the region.

In response to this, the Indigenisation Theory emerged, primarily through the work of Alastair Lamb, later refined by Nik Hassan Shuhaimi and Zuliskandar Ramli. This perspective emphasises the role of local agency, suggesting that Indian (and other external cultural) elements were not imposed, but selectively adopted by local elites and artisans, resulting in hybridised art forms and architectural features. Nik Hassan, in particular, highlighted Ancient Kedah’s role as a cosmopolitan hub, where Indian, Chinese, Southeast Asian and indigenous influences intermingled in a dynamic and syncretic cultural landscape.

Challenging both views is the Trade Enclave Theory, proposed by Jane S. Allen and supported by Michel Jacq-Hergoualc’h. This interpretation argues that Indian cultural influence in Ancient Kedah was limited to foreign merchant communities, and that Indian religious artefacts and temple structures were primarily constructed and used by these traders, without significant penetration into local society. The spatial concentration of temples near ports and river mouths, alongside minimal Indian influence in hinterland settlements support this argument. Together, these theories reflect the evolving interpretations of Ancient Kedah’s past—from narratives of external civilisational imprints to more nuanced models of cultural negotiation and local resilience. Ongoing archaeological discoveries continue to inform and challenge these frameworks.

While these three prevailing theories have each contributed valuable insights into the nature of Indian influence on Ancient Kedah, they share key limitations. Notably, they often overlook paleo-environmental factors, variability of settlement patterns and internal socio-economic disparity, often treating the Bujang Valley as a monolithic cultural entity. In contrast, I view the valley as a mosaic of distinct communities, each with divergent socio-economic functions and varying degrees of cultural receptivity to external influence. This includes not only local settlements with different trajectories of development, but also enclaves of foreign merchants and religious orders, suggesting a far more fluid and multicultural landscape than allowed by these dominant frameworks.

New Approach, New Narratives

In recent years, research in the Bujang Valley has undergone a significant paradigm shift, spearheaded in part by the Centre for Global Archaeological Research at USM. Whereas earlier scholarship tended to overemphasise sacro-religious structures or ancient industrial sites as proxies for “civilisation”, contemporary approaches have moved beyond rigid civilisational binaries. These new perspectives embrace more nuanced, locally grounded interpretations of cultural change. Rather than relying on oversimplified and declarative narratives, we now understand Ancient Kedah as a dynamic confluence of socio-political and economic systems, technological capabilities and cultural expressions. These elements evolved not in isolation, but through interaction with trans-regional networks, environmental conditions and indigenous traditions, resulting in a heterogenous and resilient society.

My own research is informed by an interpretive framework that foregrounds human agency, cultural negotiation and contextual meaning. This involves seeing archaeological sites not as static markers of civilisational “stages”, but as situated expressions of belief, identity and exchange. I approach the Bujang Valley not as a monolithic polity, but as a network of communities, some deeply embedded in trans-regional trade and receptive to external cultural practices, others more locally rooted and ecologically adaptive. This perspective enables a more layered reading of the archaeological record—one that recognises the fluid boundaries between cultural spheres and the uneven, context-specific nature of foreign influence. Acceptance of external ideas and technologies was neither universal nor uniform, but mediated by the social, political and environmental contingencies unique to each community.

Although dozens of sites have already been excavated in the Bujang Valley, our most recent project at the Bukit Choras Archaeological Site offers a valuable opportunity to reassess the archaeological record using this new interpretive approach. It enables the application of more rigorous scientific methodologies and draws attention to categories of data that have previously been overlooked in other excavated sites. Situated at the summit of Bukit Choras in Yan, Kedah, the site is among the most well-preserved temple remains in the region, and is uniquely the only known archaeological site in the Bujang Valley north of Gunung Jerai.

The site has a long history of scholarly interest, beginning with an illicit digging by British officer James Low in the 1850s, followed by a small-scale excavation in 1937 by Quaritch-Wales, who reported two laterite structures and a Pallava inscription—now housed in the Asian Civilisations Museum in Singapore. In the 1980s, Kamarudin Zakaria from the Department of Museums conducted site clearing and mapping, although no detailed architectural plan was produced.

Between 2023 and 2025, the USM archaeological team uncovered the western portion of a Buddhist stupa and the northern section of an architectural feature whose function remains to be determined. This discovery is not particularly surprising, as the Bujang Valley is already known for its rich archaeological record of Buddhist remains, with notable sites in areas such as Sungai Bujang, Sungai Muda and Sungai Batu; nor is its significance based on the scale of the site, as there are other locations within the valley that are larger and more expansive in layout.

What makes Bukit Choras truly exceptional lies in the quality of its preservation and the contextual integrity of its finds. The structural remains of the temple are largely intact, allowing for an in-depth architectural analysis that is rarely possible at other sites in the region, many of which have been damaged or heavily eroded over time. More importantly, the artefacts discovered—including three Buddha statues (so far!)—were found in situ, undisturbed and in their original positions. This is an exceedingly rare occurrence in the Bujang Valley, where most sculptures and artefacts have historically been recovered as accidental finds, often devoid of contextual information. Additionally, the site yielded a complete assemblage of votive tablets, inscriptions written in Southeast Asian Brahmi and Sanskrit languages, pottery sherds and iron objects. The unearthing of the statues and artefacts enables a more holistic reconstruction of the religious practices, daily activities and socio-cultural functions associated with the site. Bukit Choras, therefore, not only enriches our understanding of Buddhist presence in the Bujang Valley, but also provides one of the most intact archaeological contexts in the region to date.

Although our current excavation has uncovered less than 30% of the entire area, preliminary findings suggest that Bukit Choras may have been part of a much larger and more complex religious or cultural centre. Early analysis indicates that the site reflects a confluence of multiple cultural influences—architecturally, it shares notable similarities with Buddhist sites in eastern India, southern Thailand and western Java, while the sculptural style of the statues reveals affinities with Sri Lankan artistic traditions. Meanwhile, the inscriptions in Southeast Asian Brahmi script exhibit local modifications, and the pottery assemblage reflects strong indigenous stylistic traits.

Despite these external influences, all construction materials and artefacts were locally sourced, pointing to a community that was not merely passively adopting, but actively receptive and adaptive to external cultures. These findings suggest that the Bukit Choras site was the result of active cultural negotiation between foreign and local traditions, challenging earlier theories that viewed Indian influence as unilateral and dominant.

Key Challenges and Lessons From Across Malaysia

While discoveries in Bukit Choras offer an extraordinary window into the past, they also expose challenges in Malaysia’s archaeological ecosystem. Malaysia boasts one of Southeast Asia’s richest and most diverse archaeological landscapes, from the prehistoric Lenggong Valley and Niah Caves to Melaka and George Town, which have been recognised as UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Alongside the Bujang Valley, these sites reflect Malaysia’s early involvement in ancient migration, global trade, technological innovation and religious exchange. Their protection and conservation are vital not only for academic advancement, but also for fostering national pride and international recognition.

Unlike the monumental ruins of Angkor or Borobudur, many Malaysian sites— such as the structural remains of the Bujang Valley, Fort Cornwallis and Porta de Santiago—are modest, built from brick and laterite, and scattered along rivers and coasts. Their significance lies in connectivity rather than scale, revealing the peninsula’s historical role as a key node in maritime networks linking India, China, the Middle East and beyond.

Sites like Bukit Choras bear evidence of regional interaction through artistic forms adapted to local contexts. This calls for heritage policies that prioritise scientific investigation, digital preservation and interpretive strategies that situate Malaysia within broader regional histories. Importantly, interpretation must remain inclusive. Similarly, the Niah Caves and Lenggong Valley can be framed as a shared heritage, emphasising the role of indigenous communities alongside the influences of early migrations and trade networks. Melaka and George Town, with their multicultural histories, should highlight the interplay of Malay, Chinese, Indian and European contributions, while centring local agency. An inclusive approach through education, participatory research and public engagement can ensure their sustainable preservation. These sites, like the Bujang Valley, hold educational, identity-building and diplomatic value, offering Malaysia a heritage strategy that is locally rooted, socially cohesive and globally significant.

That being said, Malaysia’s archaeological research and heritage conservation face enduring challenges. Among the most pressing is environmental degradation. The tropical climate subjects archaeological sites to intense rainfall, flooding, soil erosion and invasive vegetation. These natural dynamics necessitate sustained investments in scientific methods, such as remote sensing and conservation technologies—which have received increasing government support as of late.

Another significant challenge is the shortage of trained archaeological professionals. While institutions such as USM and Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) have produced capable scholars, expertise in areas like geo-archaeology, conservation science and archaeo-botany remains limited. This scarcity hampers high-quality research and the development of inclusive, science-based heritage narratives.

Although the government’s growing commitment to research funding and higher education has laid the groundwork for future capacity building, targeted investment remains necessary to build a sustainable pipeline of specialists. Furthermore, insufficient funding continues to affect archaeological projects, particularly in terms of long-term planning, conservation and infrastructure development. Many initiatives rely on short-term or cyclical funding; these disrupt continuity. In response, the government has made notable allocations and begun exploring collaborative models such as public-private partnerships and state-level heritage funds. These efforts offer promising pathways to diversify and stabilise heritage funding.

Moreover, the National Heritage Act 2005 (Akta Warisan Kebangsaan 2005, Act 645) provides a strong legal framework for safeguarding Malaysia’s cultural and natural heritage, where government initiatives in regulatory integration and capacity-building remain vital. A key initiative currently underway in the Bujang Valley is the collaboration between USM, Jabatan Warisan Negara (Department of National Heritage) and the Kedah State Government. This partnership supports both archaeological research and infrastructure development, and seeks to elevate Bujang Valley’s profile with the goal of securing a UNESCO World Heritage nomination. This includes the development of research projects, interpretive programmes, digital documentation, site protection and visitor-friendly facilities.

Reclaiming the Past

If archaeology is to matter beyond academic circles, it must engage the public in imaginative and accessible ways. Discoveries must be translated into compelling narratives that resonate with people across generations. Museums should evolve beyond static displays to offer immersive, multilingual experiences through short films, virtual reconstructions and interactive storytelling. Such experiences make the past tangible and meaningful to the modern man and woman.

At the same time, our education system must include the Bujang Valley not only as a marginal reference, but as a foundational chapter of Malaysia’s diplomatic, economic and cosmopolitan heritage. Teachers must be empowered with updated materials and training to convey these histories with clarity and engagement. Civic involvement is equally crucial; activities such as heritage trails, archaeology camps and student site visits can spark public interest and nurture a deeper sense of belonging. Local communities too must be included as stewards of their own heritage because cultural preservation is not sustainable if imposed from above.

Significantly, Malaysia’s archaeological legacy also holds powerful potential for cultural diplomacy. A reimagined Lembah Bujang could become a cornerstone of Malaysia’s soft power, just as Angkor has done for Cambodia and Borobudur for Indonesia. Yet, to achieve this, we must embrace our unique context: the Bujang Valley is more than a ruin; it is a mirror of Malaysia’s cultural DNA, telling the story of a people who absorbed global influences, who traded peacefully with all others and who connected with the outside world instead of isolating itself. It reflects a long history of hybridity, negotiation and openness.

As we move forward, the challenge is not only to protect this past, but to reintegrate it into our national consciousness. Through focused research, institutional reform and inclusive public engagement, the Bujang Valley can be more than a relic— it can be a blueprint. And in understanding this ancient entrepôt, we may also better understand ourselves.